Journal Article by: Amb. S. Mixillanean Jeromes Jr.
Monrovia, Liberia – Introduction: Corruption has deeply affected Liberia, undermining governance and stalling development from the presidency of William V.S. Tubman to the election of Joseph Boakai in 2023. This systemic issue permeates all branches of government executive, legislature, and judiciary—impacting public resource distribution and policy-making, leading to the mismanagement of the country’s rich natural resources. The article traces the history of corruption across various administrations, highlighting how each regime, from Tubman’s patronage to Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s fight against institutional corruption, has shaped Liberia’s socio-political landscape. By examining this
history, the article aims to illuminate the challenges President Boakai faces and proposes solutions for reform, emphasizing the importance of strong institutions, transparency, and accountability to combat corruption effectively.
William V.S. Tubman (1944-1971): The Open Door Policy and Patronage: William V.S. Tubman is often remembered as the father of the modern Liberian state, largely due to his Open Door Policy, that opens the door for modern economic activities which aimed to attract foreign investment to boost the economy. Under Tubman, Liberia experienced economic growth, particularly in the iron ore, rubber, and timber sectors. However, this period of prosperity was marred by rampant corruption, particularly in the legislature and executive branches. Tubman’s administration relied heavily on a patron-client system, where loyalty to the president was rewarded with lucrative government positions and contracts. Legislators were often handpicked by Tubman, ensuring that they passed laws favorable to his interests and those of his business allies (Levitt, 2005).
Tubman’s control over the legislature created an environment where bribery and kickbacks were the norm. Foreign companies operating in Liberia, particularly in the mining and rubber industries, frequently bribed legislators to secure favorable tax breaks and concessions. This system not only enriched Tubman’s inner circle but also deprived the government of much-needed revenue that could have been used for infrastructure development and public services. As a result, while the elites benefited from foreign investments, the majority of Liberians remained in poverty, with limited access to basic services.
Corruption also extended to the judiciary under Tubman’s rule, where judges were often appointed based on their loyalty to the president rather than their qualifications. This compromised the independence of the judiciary, as court rulings were often influenced by political considerations rather than legal merit. By controlling both the legislative and judicial branches, Tubman was able to maintain an iron grip on power, but at the cost of weakening Liberia’s democratic institutions and fostering a culture of impunity.
William R. Tolbert (1971-1980): A Short-Lived Attempt at Reform William R. Tolbert succeeded Tubman in 1971 and attempted to implement reforms aimed at curbing corruption and promoting economic development. However, despite his efforts, corruption remained deeply entrenched in the legislature and executive. Tolbert’s government faced significant opposition from the True Whig Party, which had dominated Liberian politics for over a century. Many members of the National Legislature were loyal to Tubman’s patronage system and resisted Tolbert’s reform efforts. Legislators continued to accept bribes from foreign companies in exchange for favorable contracts, particularly in the mining and agriculture sectors (Ellis, 1999). One of the most notable examples of corruption during Tolbert’s presidency was the Firestone Rubber Company scandal, where members of the legislature were accused of accepting bribes to allow Firestone to expand its operations without proper environmental and labor regulations.
This not only hurt Liberia’s natural environment but also deprived workers of fair wages and rights, further exacerbating social inequalities. Tolbert, while personally less corrupt than his predecessor, struggled to control the corruption within his own government, leading to public frustration. For instance, during Tolbert’s tenure, it was alleged that contracts for major development projects were often secured through kickbacks and bribery, leading to inflated project costs and incomplete infrastructure (Sawyer, 1992). The Rice Riots of 1979 are a direct example of the public’s frustration, where allegations of price manipulation for personal gain by government officials, including Tolbert’s family, exacerbated the situation (Ellis, 1999).
Corruption within the executive branch under Tolbert also contributed to his downfall. Despite
his attempts to reduce government mismanagement, Tolbert’s administration was accused of
nepotism and embezzlement. His family members and close associates were often given key
government positions, where they engaged in corrupt practices, including the misappropriation
of public funds. This, combined with growing economic disparities and social unrest, culminated
in the 1980 coup d’état led by Samuel Doe, which brought an abrupt end to Tolbert’s presidency
and the First Republic.
Samuel Doe (1980-1990): Military Rule and Corruption: When Samuel Doe took power in 1980, he promised to eliminate the corruption that had plagued previous administrations. However, his military regime quickly became one of the most corrupt in Liberia’s history. The legislature, now restructured under the People’s Redemption Council (PRC) after the coup, became a rubber stamp for Doe’s policies. Legislators, many of whom were military officers with little political experience, engaged in bribery and embezzlement, enriching themselves at the expense of the state. Under Doe, the National Bank of Liberia was looted, and public funds were misappropriated, leading to the collapse of government services (Levitt, 2005).
Doe’s executive branch was notorious for its involvement in corruption. He and his inner circle, including Defense Minister Thomas Quiwonkpa, embezzled millions of dollars in foreign aid and loans meant for development projects. One of the most egregious examples was the misuse of funds from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, which were intended to revitalize Liberia’s economy. Instead, these funds were diverted into private accounts, while Liberia’s infrastructure crumbled, and public services deteriorated.
The judiciary under Doe was equally compromised, with judges often appointed based on their
loyalty to the regime rather than their competence or independence. Bribery became a common
practice in the courts, where judges were often paid to deliver favorable verdicts for Doe’s allies.
This undermined the rule of law and contributed to the growing disillusionment among Liberians, ultimately leading to the outbreak of the First Liberian Civil War in 1989, as various factions sought to remove Doe from power.
Charles Taylor (1997-2003): War Crimes and Kleptocracy: Charles Taylor’s rise to power in 1997, following the First Liberian Civil War, marked a new low for corruption in Liberia. Taylor’s government was characterized by kleptocracy, where the state’s resources were systematically looted for personal gain. Taylor used his control over the legislature to consolidate power, often bribing or intimidating legislators to pass laws that favored his business interests. One of the most infamous examples of legislative corruption during Taylor’s presidency was the Timber Mafia scandal, where legislators were bribed to grant concessions to companies that were illegally logging Liberia’s forests (Ellis, 1999).
Taylor’s executive branch was equally corrupt. He controlled the country’s natural resources, particularly diamonds and timber, and used the proceeds to fund both his lavish lifestyle and rebel
movements in neighboring countries, particularly in Sierra Leone. The blood diamond trade became synonymous with Taylor’s regime, as diamonds mined in Liberia were sold on the black market to finance his war efforts. This not only fueled regional instability but also deprived Liberia of legitimate revenue streams that could have been used for development.
The judiciary under Taylor was entirely under his control, with judges either bribed or coerced into delivering judgments that favored the regime. Corruption in the courts was rampant, and those who opposed Taylor faced imprisonment or worse. Taylor’s disregard for the rule of law and his exploitation of Liberia’s resources for personal gain devastated the country’s economy and infrastructure, setting the stage for the Second Liberian Civil War, which ultimately led to his ouster in 2003.
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf (2006-2018): The Struggle for Reform: Elected in 2005 as Africa’s first female president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf promised to combat corruption and rebuild Liberia after 14 years of civil war. While Sirleaf made significant strides in restoring stability and rebuilding Liberia’s infrastructure, her presidency was not without its corruption scandals. One of the most prominent examples was the National Oil Company of Liberia (NOCAL) scandal, where top executives, including Sirleaf’s own son, Robert Sirleaf, were accused of embezzling millions of dollars from oil revenues (The New York Times, 2015).
Despite Sirleaf’s efforts to investigate the matter, the NOCAL scandal highlighted the challenges
she faced in tackling corruption within the executive branch. Corruption in the legislature also
persisted during Sirleaf’s presidency. Legislators were frequently accused of accepting bribes in
exchange for passing laws favorable to foreign investors, particularly in the oil and mining sectors. For example, in 2013, members of the House of Representatives were implicated in a bribery scandal involving a British mining company, Sable Mining, which sought to secure a mineral concession in Liberia (Global Witness, 2016). Despite efforts to prosecute those involved, the case stalled, reflecting the deep-rooted corruption within the legislative body.
The judiciary under Sirleaf also faced significant challenges. While Sirleaf made efforts to
reform the court system by appointing more qualified judges, corruption remained widespread.
Judges were often accused of accepting bribes to deliver favorable rulings, particularly in cases
involving land disputes and commercial contracts. This undermined the rule of law and made it
difficult for ordinary Liberians to seek justice. Despite these setbacks, Sirleaf’s administration
did make progress in establishing anti-corruption institutions like the Liberia Anti-Corruption
Commission (LACC), though these bodies often lacked the political will and resources to pursue
high-profile cases.
George Weah (2018-2023): Corruption and Economic Mismanagement: When George Weah assumed office in 2018, there was hope that his administration would bring much-needed reform, particularly in combating corruption. However, Weah’s presidency has been plagued by numerous corruption scandals, particularly within the legislature and executive branches. One of the most notable examples is the $25 million “mop-up” exercise, which was intended to stabilize the economy by removing excess liquidity from the market. A General Auditing Commission (GAC) report revealed that the funds were mismanaged, with millions unaccounted for, leading to allegations of embezzlement and bribery (FrontPage Africa, 2019).
Weah’s administration also faced scandal with the missing L$16 billion (Liberian dollars), which
sparked public outrage and protests. The Central Bank of Liberia (CBL) was implicated in the
disappearance of the funds, and despite promises to investigate the matter, no significant arrests
were made. Corruption within the executive branch extended to Weah’s own personal wealth, as
critics accused him of using public funds to finance lavish construction projects, including a
personal mansion, while the country’s economy continued to falter (BBC News, 2020), (FrontPage Africa, 2019).
Despite investigations, no clear answers were provided, and no one was held accountable, deepening public distrust. The General Auditing Commission (GAC) and other oversight bodies have often been underfunded or politically compromised, further hindering their ability to investigate corruption effectively. This lack of transparency and accountability has severely hampered efforts to ensure that public resources are used for development, rather than personal enrichment. Corruption in the judiciary remained a significant issue under Weah, with several high-profile judges implicated in bribery schemes.
For instance, in 2021, the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission (LACC) reported that several judges had accepted bribes in exchange for favorable rulings in land disputes and other legal matters (Global Witness, 2020). The failure to prosecute these cases further eroded public trust in Liberia’s legal system and reinforced the perception of impunity within the judiciary.
Joseph Boakai (2023-Present): The Battle for Reform: Joseph Boakai, elected in 2023, faces the daunting task of addressing the deep-rooted corruption that has plagued Liberia for decades. Boakai, who served as Vice President under Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, has pledged to build on the reform efforts started by his predecessor. However, early reports indicate that corruption continues to be a significant challenge, particularly within the legislature. Legislators have been accused of accepting bribes from foreign companies seeking to exploit Liberia’s natural resources, especially in the mining and forestry sectors. This has raised concerns about Boakai’s ability to enact meaningful reforms (FrontPage Africa, 2024).
Boakai’s administration has also faced criticism for its handling of foreign aid and development funds. Despite receiving significant financial assistance from international organizations like the World Bank and IMF, much of this aid has been diverted into private accounts, with little to show in terms of tangible development projects. A recent audit revealed that funds intended for the reconstruction of Liberia’s healthcare system were misappropriated by senior government officials, delaying critical infrastructure improvements (Global Witness, 2024).
The judiciary under Boakai has also been slow to address the corruption that has long plagued Liberia’s legal system. Many are seen as politically connected, raising concerns about their independence. Several high-profile corruption cases have been delayed or dismissed, leading to public outcry and calls for greater accountability. If Boakai’s government is to succeed in its anti-corruption agenda, it will need to strengthen its oversight institutions, restore public trust in the rule of law and high level of accountability and transparency.
Conclusion
From the William V.S. Tubman era to the present-day administration of Joseph Boakai, corruption has been a persistent and destructive force in Liberia’s political landscape. It has stifled development, undermined democratic institutions, and deepened social inequalities. The legislature, judiciary, and executive branches have all been implicated in corrupt practices, from bribery and embezzlement to mismanagement of public funds. Liberia’s vast natural resources, which could have been used to lift the country out of poverty, have instead been exploited for personal gain by successive administrations.
To address these challenges, the administration of President Boakai must take bold steps to strengthen institutions of accountability, including the General Auditing Commission (GAC), the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission (LACC), and the judiciary. Meaningful reforms, such as promoting transparency in the public procurement process, empowering civil society, and ensuring independence in the judiciary, are essential for combating the entrenched corruption that has long stifled Liberia’s progress. Only by tackling corruption at its root can Liberia hope to achieve sustainable development and build a more equitable society for its citizens.
References
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Ellis, S. (1999). The Mask of Anarchy: The Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension
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FrontPage Africa. (2019). General Auditing Commission Report Reveals $25 Million Mop-Up
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Global Witness. (2016). Catch Me If You Can: Liberia’s Mining Scandal. Retrieved from
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Levitt, J. I. (2005). The Evolution of Deadly Conflict in Liberia: From ‘Paternaltarianism’ to
State Collapse. Carolina Academic Press.
The New York Times. (2015). How Liberia’s National Oil Company Went Bankrupt. Retrieved
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